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ROBERT C. SCHENCK, U. S. A. 

MAJOR-GENEKAL OF VOLLNTEEKS. 



'^HT 



L U. S. A., 



MAJOR GENERAL OF VOLUNTEERS. 



Dear General, in the Age of Chivalry — 

That Uolden Age of Manhood, whose lost seed 

Blossom'd in you — true men of loyal breed 
Bow'd under kingly swords, on bended knee. 
And rose with Kniglithood holy, sworn to be 

Oliampions of Kiglit, and guardians a.t ber need — 

Their life the erraml of some noble deed 
Ilalii'd in History, cniwnM in Poesy. 
Lo, Nature, true kniglit-makcr then as ii iw, 

(FoiWvings were but her servants, and are still,) 
Put her great seal of Knighthood on your brow, 

And men behold ynu sacred to her will: 
Knowing why on your thigh the swjrd is seen. 
And on your hair the civic wreath is green. 

John James Piatt. 



^./ 



PITBLISIIEt) BY ORDER OF 

UNION CENTRAL COMMITTEE 

oi) Congressional District, Ohio. 




E^G^ 



5 5^ 1T\- 



LIFE 



MAJ. GE^. ROBERT C. SCHENCK, 



TJ. S. ^. OF VOIvS. 



This distinguished officer, wounded in battle while bravely leading 
his troops at the second Bull Run disaster, is a native of Ohio, and 
has been widely know as an able politician and lawyer. He graduated 
when quite young, at the Miami University, in his native State, and 
after the necessary preparations was admitted to the practice of the 
law. Soon after the Voters of Montgomery county returned him to 
the Legislature, where he continued to represent them for three terms. 
In 1843 he was elected to (longress, and, as a prominent member of 
the House, continued for eight years. 

Robert C. Scheuck's career in the Ohio Legislature was eventful. 
Young, ardent, and able, he proved himself the beau ideal of a partisan 
leader. A warm personal friend, and old Whig, gives the following 
account of one of the most striking instances of this quality: 

" The Whig party in the General Assembly were in a hopeless 
minority; but in that minority were many able and efficient men, yet 
to Mr. Schenck was assigned, at once, the leadei'ship of the opposition, 
and he sustained himself in" a manner to justify the confidence reposed 
in his powers as a debater and tactician. At the extra session, in the 
summer of 1842, called by the majority at the regular session to appor- 
tion the State into congressional districts, under the ratio of the census 
of 1840, that majority framed and endeavored to force the passage of a 
bill which exceeded anything tlun known iu the history of gerryman- 
dering. To this scheme the minority opposed every argument, (so 
far as an early demand for the previous question permitted them,) and 
pointed out its gross violation of every principle of justice and fair 
dealing. Counties were tacked together without the slightest regard 
to unity of interest, or contiguity of territory — many touching merely 



at corners, and the proposed districts extending- erreat distances to 
include people who rarely had any intercourse with each other; while 
near neighboi's were cut oif, and placed in districts e(iually incongr'uous. 
There were larue unrepresented fractions in "Whig' districts, and Dem- 
ocratic districts were often lacking the requisite population. The 
whole scheme, in short, was contrived to secure to the then Democratic 
party about sixteen out of the twenty-one members of Congress in any 
ordinary contest, even taking as a criterion the large Whig majority in 
the State in 1S40. 

" Against this measure the Whig members determined to oppose 
everything constitutionally within their power, and resolved, if 
need be, to resign their seats rather than such a fraud upon the 
people should be consummated. No inconvenience or public damage 
could result from a postponement of the apportionment until a new 
Legislature could be elected; as in October, 1843, members of the 
fiist Congress under that ratio could be chosen in time for its reg- 
ular meeting. Ho the minority in both branches decided to resort to 
this extreme course as being the only defence within their legal power, 
and rightfully to be exercised, in case it should become necessary as a 
means to prevent so flagrant a wrong. In the House the bill had gone 
through all the preliminary stages, and the question was about to be 
put by the Speaker on its final passage, under the operation of the pre- 
vious (juestion, a;id regaixUess of the demand from the opposition that 
it should lie over under the rule of the constitution another day, when 
Mr. Schenck, springing to his feet, and shaking his finger at that 
officer, in tones of indignant defiance, exclaimed^ 'No you don't, Mr. 
Speaker. Dare but attempt an outrage like thar on our rights, and 
you will find yourself without a quorum to accomplish itl' During the 
pause conse(|uent upon the sensation this produced, a leading Demo- 
cratic member proposed an adjournment of the House, which was 
carried. At the opening of the session the next morning, Daniel 
Chambers, of Michigan county — ' Old Eagle Eye,' the oldest Whig 
mend)er, selected for that purpose — presented the resignation of all 
the Whigs in that body, except himself, who remained to demand 
the ayes and noes, so that if anything further were attempted, it might 
appear by the record that a constitutional quorum (two-thirds) was not 
present. This was followed by a similar movement by the minority in 
the Senate, and so what is known in the ])olitical history of Ohio as 
'The Great Gerrymander' was defeated. A veteran editor and poli- 
tician who was present, remarked of this action of Mr. Schenck, that 
he never saw such effect produced on an assemblage of men. The pre- 
siding officer was, for the time, completely confounded." 

At the succeeding election in October, 1842, Mr. Schenck could not 
avoid being a candidate again. His course had made him the object 
of furious attack. Prominent politicians of the Democratic party were 
sent into his county and vicinity to declaim against the so-called "revo- 
lutionary" proceeding of which he was regarded as the head; and he 
owed it to self vindication, great as the sacrifice was, professionally, 



5 

to stand another poll. He was re-elected. At the following session 
the State was districted in a diiFerent manner, though strongly favor- 
able to the Democratic party, who had maintaiud an ascendency in the 
General Assembly. 

It is scarcely probable that General Scheuck in the calmer years of 
after life would regard with much favor this extreme process for de- 
feating a corrupt measure. We can never cure a wrong by committing 
a wrong, and the result proved the truth of the maxim. Had the 
Whig party gone to the country upon the gerrymander, the sober- 
second thought of the people would have rebuked its authors. As it 
was, the issue shifting from a corrupt measure to an act, if not revolu- 
tionary, at least disorderly, enabled the Democrats to return to power, 
and pass a bill yet more obnoxious; for it was one they could and 
did sustain. 

From this we turn with pleasure to the many statesmanlike measures 
our friend either introduced, or so successfully advocated, that they 
passed into laws, and yet bear their impress upon the State of Ohio. 

Mr. Schenck during his legislative career, introduced a reform bill, 
which was passed in an amended form, reducing the administrative 
expenses of the State, thereby lessening, in some degree, the burden of 
the tax-payers. He ably advocated and aided to pass a wholesome and 
general revision of the common school law. He was also mainly in- 
strumental in carrying successfully through a financial measure of 
finishing some thirty miles of the Miami Extension canal, so as to com- 
plete the communication thereby between the Ohio river and Lake 
Erie, which had di'agged several years for want of the requisite funds. 

Gen. Schenck's eight consecutive years of congressional service were 
highly acceptable to his constituency, and he ranked among the first 
as an efficient and practical statesman. In his speeches on the floor 
of the House are to be found what we desire to see in legislative 
debates — terseness and perspicuity of language, and a thorough mas- 
tery of the subject upon which he is speaking. Though always cour- 
teous in debate, his eloquence is not without the caustic which makes 
his opponent feel his power. He is quick at repartee, and not to be 
thrown off the main question by the introduction of extraneous issues. 
Few men can so readily take up the thread of an argument, after 
making a digression. As specimens of keen, pungent, satirical oratory, 
his remarks uj m the bill refunding General Jackson's fine (Jan. 8, 
.1844,) and on internal Improvements, (Dec. 15, 1847,) might be cited 
as happy efibrts. The latter may be truly said to contain salient points. 
One thing was always to be remarked to his credit, that never, not 



©Ten under the '^hour rule," in the House of Representatives, did he 
make general essays in the form of speeches, wandering from the suh- 
ject under discussion, but always was known to confine himself in 
debate strictly to the matter before the House or Committee of the 
Whole. He served efficiently on the Committee of Elections in the 
2Sth Congress; and afterwards, as a leading member of the Naval 
Committee, during his continuance in the House of Eepresentatives. 
In the 30th, the only Congress in which the Whig party, during his 
service, was in the minority, he was also chairman of the Committee 
on Roads and Canals. 

Mr. Schenck is much in the habit of uttering his thoughts, and 
little recks how palatable they may seem to those politic individuals 
who habitually weigh consequences with an eye to popularity. He ha.s 
always been what those professing the Whig creed aimed to be- — 
friendly to conservative views, and opposed to radicalism of every sort. 
Educated in, and representing a free State, he was, and is, an anti- 
slavery Whig; but how much countenance faction or sectionalism 
could receive from him, may be inferred from the following extracts 
from his reply to Hon. J. R. Giddings, Dec. 27, 1849, soon after the 
election of the Hon. Howell Cobb^to the Speakership of the House: 

"There are gentlemen," he observes, "e(|ually intolerant and 
fanatical at either end of this Union, who demand that all legislation 
upon particular subjects shall be of a sectional character, and would 
proscribe those who differ from them, liike my colleague, they would 
rerjuire pledges and promises in advance, to succumb to them, as the 
only condition of their support, either to aid in the organization of the 
House, or to proceed with the business of the nation, for which we are 
assembled. They can give no countenance to any one who, coming 
from a different (juarter of the Union from themselves, has independ- 
ently and honestly avowed and advocated opinions and measures in. 
accordance with the views in which he has been educated, and convic- 
sions which have been strengthened by observation and reflection. I 
protest against that spirit of intolerance, let it come from what quarter 
it may. What does it mean ? 3Iy colleague (Mr. GiddinCiS) has said 
there were some 'other northern Whigs' — norfhrni Whigs only, ob- 
serve — for whom he might have voted for Speaker; while it has been 
made very manifest that there are gentlemen here from HOHthrm States, 
who have deemed a residence at the North a very geat, if not an 
insuperable objection. AVhat does it mean, 1 ask; an ' to what does 
such proscription tend? If we of the North will not \ te for a south- 
ern man merely because he is a southern man, and nun of the South 
will not vote for a northern man because he is a northern, and if that 
principle is to be carried out from here into all our national p(»litics and 
elections, what must be the result? Disunion. T/iaf ifs<lf' ix (iisiinioii. 
You may disguise and cover it up as you please, but that it will be. It 



may, perhaps, be regarded as but the first step in disunion; but the 
con-iequence follows as inevitable as fate. Oue section— the North or 
the South— must always have the m;ijority. Disfraucliise all upon the 
other side, and the Union could not be held together a day; it ought 
not to hold together, upon such conditions, a day. Oo this floor 'we 
have now from the free States one hundred and forty Representatives, 
and ninety from the slave States. Suppose the relative numbers were 
reversed ? Would we submit to be denied all participation in privileges 
here ? Not for an hour. And should we ask such submission from 
others ? Never ! The Whig party say, never. The true people of the 
North say, naver. 

. 'I The Whig party, as any other great national party, must ever be 
divided upon questions of local and sectional character. They know 
that this Union resulted from a compromise between the free and the 
slave States. As citizens and men, they entertain such views upon the 
subject of slavery as education, association, habits of thought and con- 
viction have impressed upon tbera. For myself, I am in favor of the 
ordinance of 1787, and of extending its free provisions over all territory 
belongiog to the United States. I have always voted in that way with 
the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. WiiNTHROp,) and other north- 
ern Whigs. I will gladly go for putting an end forever to the slave 
trade within this District, taking care in doing so to avoid any unne- 
ces.^ary, offensive, and irritating language or manner. I am for abol- 
ishing slavery within this District, only having due regard to the 
conditions whicii are required of us as the local legislature, which has 
in trust the protection of rights and persons here. But I am not on 
these accounts to stand here and claim to disfranchise every man from 
a slave State, because he may happen to differ with me on such ques- 
tions. I voted, through the many days during which we were strug- 
gling to organize the House, part of the time for northern men, and 
part of the time for a southern man. I was willing to go for any gen- 
tleman whom I believed to be a conservative and a true Whio- ; and, 
above all, a sincere friend of the Union," '^ ' 

* =5^ =!= * * * * 

" The Whig party are charged as belonging to the ' conservatism' of 
the country. Sir, I accept the epithet; it is not odious to me. Let 
us be the conservatives of the country. Coming from the North and 
the South, representing every sectional interest, but with a wise and 
honest toleration of these differences, let us act together for the general 
good, and for the maintenance of the just rights of the whole. "Uet us 
stand firmly in defence of the Union, come' the assault from whatever 
direction it may. /, for one, as far as my feeble power may go, declare 
if^ to be my determination to be ever ready to maintain these coinmon 
ri'jlifa and common interests, here and elsewhere, as a, citizen and a 
representative, wherever my hand, or my voice, or my vote can do it, 
against all impracticahle men, disorganizers or distmionists, whether 
they be of the I\ orth or of the South." 

We cannot read the close of this speech without a thrill, when we 
remember how nobly this pled^je then made has been sustained. The 



patriot of" that day is the soldier of this, and, while we write, lies lan- 
guishing with his good right anii shattered in sustaining the cause 
he swore to maintain. 

Again, in a five minutes speech, delivered in Committee of the 
Whole, in August, 1848, we find General Schenck utteriugthese brave 
words : 

"For one, I do not deny that there is such a thing as property in 
slaves and slave labor. I do not say that it is right; I do not sa}' that 
it ought to be. But so it is, in some of the States of this Union. It 
is not established by the Constitution of the United States. That 
instrument, thank God, was intended to create none but free institu- 
tions. But it exists in those States, either by municipal law, or, if not 
by direct enactment, then by some unwritten law which, in various 
ways, has had the sanction of positive legislation. There it is; but, in 
its essential character, it is a local institution, and we want it to spread 
no further. We do not want this species of property taken into Terri- 
tories in the title to which we are interested as partners with you. We 
are not willing to permit it to be held as such property there, bpcause 
it will carry with it certain consequences and political advantages which 
we never can agree to. 

" 1 have not time to speak of slavery as an evil to the country, and 
the people, and their institutions, wherever it is i'ound. If the citizens 
of the States in which it exists are satisfied with it, let them be so. AV^e 
will not disturb iheni in their enjoyment. But we do not want it to 
prevail in any country where we Inive a proprielorship. We know that 
it paralyzes the piosperify and retards the advancement of the land 
and community that are subjected to its influences. These Territories 
are our conimon heritage, our joint property with you. We want them 
to prosper and grow, and we are unwilling to subject them to thnt 
which will weigh down and pievent their pro.sperity and growth. I 
might enforce this by rel'erence to the difference between slave and 
free States now in this Union ; but I forbear. I do not desire to indulge 
in any invidious comparisons. 

'' But, sir, regarding this as a political question purely, or one, if 
ynu will, of political power, there is a thing connected with slaver}' to 
which we catinot. and will not be l)lind. It is the advantage in Federal 
representation which it gives. This much we do know in the free 
States, if we know nothing else, that a man at the South with his hun- 
dred slaves counts sixty-one in the weight of influence and power upon 
this floor, while a man at the North, with his hundred I'arms, counts 
but one. Sir, av; iraut no more of fhaf ; and, with the lielp of God 
and our oavti firm purpose, we will have no more of it Therefore, above 
all, it is that we want no more slave territory. That is a sufficient and 
conclusive reason, if there were no other; and it might as well be 
distinctly understood first as last. T am for no 3Iissouri compromise, 
nor for compromise on this subject of any character. I want the prin- 
ciples of the great ordinance of 17S7. prohibiting slaver^', extended 
over all the territory owned or ac({uireu by us. I would to God there 



9 

had been no such acquisition. I have opposed, in all my time here, 
from the beginning, every scheme of annexation and all forms of ter- 
ritorial conquest and extension ; but when, by the greater power of 
others, such acquisition comes, I am determined that with my vote 
there never shall come with it anything but free institutions. 

" Let gentlemen understand us, sir. We would not interfere with 
this institution where it exists by local law ; hut we want no more of 
it. We are not, therefore, abolitionists. We abide by the Constitu- 
tion. But we would curse no more land; we will not willingly submit 
to any more inequality of rights. This, I undertake to say, is north- 
ern sentiment — may I not say, free American sentiment? Right or 
wrong, it is in our mind. It is deep in our hearts. You will find it 
hard ever to make us give it up. 

■''Sir, shall I illustrate, to show that we understand this matter? 
There is the district of the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, 
who would amend so as to ex.t<ind slavery into Oregon. I have not 
consulted the census to see how it may be in his particular case, but 
he probably represents some five or six or eight thousand voters. 
Now there are about eighteen thousand voters in my district — eighteen 
thousand free white male adult citizens. These eighteen thousand 
freemen have one voice and one vote — I would it were an abler one — 
on this floor. The five thousand or eight thousand in South Carolina 
have the same. On every bill or resolution, or other subject of legis- 
lation here, the eighteen thousand in Ohio can say aye or no — 
once and no more — while one-third or one-half that number in South 
•Carolina have also their aye or no. We do not complain of this. I 
wish it were not so. But so it was arranged, so agreed that it should 
be, by our fathers when they framed the Constitution; and we will 
hold by that agreement in all good faith, and submit to it as part of 
the price paid for this Union. But let there be no more slave territory, 
to make more slave States, to give us more of this slave repi'esentatiou 
aud inequality of weight in the councils of the nation. 

" (lentlemen say, that when the people of these territories come to 
form State constitutions, they will have the power to establish slavery 
or exclude it at their pleasure. Well, sir, I am one that does not deny 
that power. I admit that they may establish slavery for themselves 
then, when they come to make their own organic and municipal laws; 
when they advance beyond their state of political pupilage, and set up 
for themselves as of full age. But that is only another reason for in- 
sisting on the exclusion of slavery now, when we have the power and 
the right to legislate for such territory, and when it is our duty to do 
it wisely. I do not stop to argue that newly-discovered and strange 
doctrine that Congress has no such power of legislation for the Terri- 
tories. It is rather late in our history, and in the history of all legis- 
lation on this subject, for that modern absurdity to make such hold on 
the public mind. But I say, make free territory, and then we shall 
have free States made out of that territory. Exclude slavery while the 
territory and the people are under our jurisdiction, and then, when 
they are prepared to make their own constitutions and apply for admission 



10 

into the Union, they will continue thiit excluf^ion themselves. Irive 
them the experience of free institutions, and that will he our best 
assurance that, when they have the power, they will continue such 
institutions." 

We republish at len<>th these extracts from early efforts upon the 
floor of Congress, not only as giving the then views of Robt. C. Schenek, 
but as exhibitinti- the cliange that has since come upon the country. 
What General Schenek avowed at that time, and liad in their avowal 
the sanction oi' sucli a man as Henry (.^lay, have since come to be 
retrarded as southern wrongs, and justify not only an appeal to arms, 
but the degradation of our flag and the desti-uction of our Government. 
It is true that southern rebels, seeking to secure their slaves, seorn'any 
such pretence, and these dreary utterances are confined to northern 
traitors, who under the guise of democracy are fatally l^ent upon pro- 
curing masters. 

We close our specimens of General Sehenck's efforts while a mem- 
ber of Congress, with the following extract from a speech on "Inter- 
nal Improvements/' delivered December 15, 1847 : 

'^ All the powers needed for works of improvement, says the Presi- 
dent, are with the States, and by them only should be exercised, if at 
all, however national the object. And, as I understand the argument, 
he seems to prove the efiiciency as well as the ]u-opi'iety of this State 
system, as opposed to the exercise of any power by Congress, by point- 
ing to Virginia and South Carolina and other States, whose legislation. 
for such purpo.ses he cites. Sir, I wish to say nothing disparaging of 
any State, old or new : to make no invidious comparisons. But it will 
surprise, I know, the people of the West, if we are to understand that 
the President means to enforce his view of the better plan and system 
of improvement by the exauiple of Virginia, for instance. 

" (Jod bless the Old Dominion ! She is identified with much of the 
best history of our common country, and I wish her all prosperity ; 
but we can hardly be jiersuaded to take her with her abstractions 
upon these great questions, and her practical working under tliem as 
our guide. There is not a State in the Union more blessed by Heaven 
with abundance of natural resources for prosperity; but we cannot 
regard her as an instance of the best development of those resources 
in her institutions and public works. Perhaps it may be that we are 
too utilitarian in my part of the country. Born in the West, and 
educated with the ha])its of thought which prevailed there, it may be 
that I regard too highly a spirit of progressive energy, stimulating 
to the development and improvement of all. the capacities of our country 
and people, and leaning to the most liberal construction of the powers 
of the General (Jovcrnment. Tlic Virginian may be wiser who )u-efers 
to sit down and indulge rather in speculation u]ion, and opposition to, 
the exercise of what he conceives to be doubtful powers. His politi- 
cal emblem, perhaps, should be .Memory, lookin;; back upon the past,. 



11 

and thus with eye averted troni the path, running a hazard of blun- 
dering as she advances. I confess that I prefer, for my State, tliat 
more cheerful goddess Hope, who gazes engerly into the future, and 
cares little for the past, except as it n)ay afford firm ground from 
which to leap again, and more vigoi'ously forward." 

At the close of his last term (in 1851) President Fillmore, carrying 
out the intention of his lamented predecessor, presented his name to the 
Senate of the United States as envoy extraordinary and minister pleni- 
potentiary to the (jrovernment of Brazil, and his appointment to so 
important a position was promptly confirmed by that body, without a 
■dissenting vote. In May of the same year be departed from the 
United States on his mission. His services in that capacity were sig- 
nally successful, as the voluminous correspondence from his Legation 
in the State Department shows. 

While residing as minister at Kio de Janeiro, (in January, 1852,) 
lie received vrithont solicitation or knowledge on his part, in conjunc- 
tion with Hon. John S. Pendleton, of Virginia, the United States 
■charge d'affaires at Buenos Ayres, two letters of special instruction 
from the Secretary of State, directing him to proceed to Buenos Ayres, 
in the Argentine Confederation, and to Montevideo, in the Oriental 
Republic of Uruguay. At the same time he was empowered to nego- 
tiate with any person or persons who might be authorized to represent 
the Republic of Paraguay. 

In August, 1832, he and Mr. Pendleton made with the President 
•of Uruguay, at jMontevideo, a treaty of amity, commerce, and naviga- 
tion. 

The business of his regular legation recalling Mr. S. to the Brazilian 
■court, he did not proceed to Paraguay, but left the negotiations Avith 
that Government with his colleague. At that time the unsettled con- 
dition of the Argentine Confederation, and the new revolutionary 
movements in that country, prevented the prosecution of the objects 
of the mission. But in May, 1853, 3Ir. S. returned to Buenos Ayres, 
and after many delays and difficulties, the pacification of that country 
having been effected through the eflForts of himself and his colleague, 
in conjunction with Sir Charles Ilotham, and the Chevalier St. Georges, 
the English and French plenipotentiaries, two treaties for the United 
States were made and signed successfully with the x\rgentine Confed- 
eration; one on the 10th of July, 1853, at San Jose de Flores, and the 
■other on the 28th of the same month, at San Jose, in Eutre Rios. 
The former of these treaties was that obtained for each power by the 
United States, Great Britain, and France, by which the navigation of 



12 

the river La Plata and its principal tributaries was made forever "free 
to the merchant flag of all nations." The other was a perpetual treaty 
of commerce, friendship, and navigation. This last mentioned treaty, 
and the treaty with the Republic of Uruguay in the preceding year, 
were not obtained by the ministers of Great Britain and France. 

In addition to the advantages of security to persons and property of 
many citizens residing in those countries, and the rights of religious 
worship and burial, before that time not enjoyed in those Catholic 
lauds, there were secured, also, certain large increase of trade 
with the United States, amounting then already to more than four 
millions of dollars a year, aud constantly and I'apidly increasing. 
All of these treaties have been approved and ratified by the Presi- 
dent and Senate of the United States; but unfortunately from some 
delay or neglect on the part of the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations, the treaty with the Oriental Republic of Uruguay was not 
acted upon within the time limited by its provisions, and consequently 
did not reach that Government until, after one of the frequent revolu- 
tions at Montevideo, a party under unfavorable influences had come 
into the ascendancy, and refused to ratify; and thus all the advantages 
there secured were lost to the United States. 

Returning to the United States he resumed the practice of his pro- 
fession, and was immersed in it when the attack upon Sumter so 
startled the country to the gravity of the contest then inaugurated. 
Robert C. Schenck at once tendered his services to the Government, 
aud in response received r commission as Brigadier General of Vol- 
unteers. 

West Point. 

The tender of so responsible a position to this gentleman, a civilian 
without military experience, is so significant of much unwritten history 
that we cannot permit it to pass without comment. 

The Government of the United States had been at much expense, 
many years, sustaining a military school at AVest Point, under the be- 
lief that when war came the Republic would there find able and accom- 
plished oflicers. However well these students may have been schooled 
in the scieuce of war, the nobler impulses of our nature, the purer 
teachings of patriotism, seem to have been sadly neglected. It was 
the boast of the arch traitor, Jeff. Davis, himself a West Pointer, that 
he could have the pick of the oflicers of our army. He made good 
his boast. From this Academy he selected sixty-four generals, and 



13 

his military experience and knowledge of men enabled him to make 
this choice with admirable effect. 

Not only was this cool selection appalling in itself, but the fact 
tainted the entire body. Who remains faithful when so many can 
betaken? Nor was the doubt without foundation. With a few noble 
exceptions, the majority of the officers were either bewildered by their 
new situation, and hesitated before their duty, or openly expressed 
sentiments fatal to the well-being of the Republic. 

Under circumstances sickening as these, the President of the United 
States turned to the people, and selected as generals civilians of brain, 
pluck, and energy, as possessed of the next best qualities to replace 
the science supposed to be lost in West Point. 

After all, the lesson thus taught, although expensive, has not been 
lost. We have come at last to understand the net purport and upshot 
of a military academy. It is difficult, in its ignorance, for the popular 
mind to realize that while a school may, at long intervals, through 
accident, graduate a general, God alone creates him; and as providence 
and the pedagogue rarely work together, it is seldom that the true 
general is found in the schools. These are excellent places in which 
to educate drill sergeants or captains, or even colonels. But from 
them, the brave, thoughtful, original mind, sustained by daring energy 
and indomitable will, can gather nothing. As well might the general 
officer be taught horse-shoeing, or how to beat a drum, as to be tied 
down to the details upon which the ordinary student builds his honors. 

Indeed we are not satisfied that genius would remain uninjured, 
while being trained to the dull routine of the drill sergeant. We cer- 
tainly know that it is carefully weeded out. The pedagogues control- 
ling the school look only to a good memory and docility as giving the 
larger results of scholarship, and the least trouble; while the spirited 
boy, full of genius and daring, is considered a nuisance, and expelled. 
Thus it is that dullness graduates. 

After all, Jeff. Davis has no reason to congratulate himself over the 
choice of generals. The war seen from either side is so little to our 
credit, that we are an object of contempt and ridicule to the military 
world. And if without resources, of a less population, with no navy, 
and an unholy cause, the rebels have so far held their own against the 
immense power of the Union, they need not thank their generals. 
Such success is to be attributed to the great intellect and indomitable 
will of their leader, who may be considered a West Point casualty, and 
not one of its designs. 

Should the Republic be stricken down in the hour of its greatest 



14 

prosperity, the future liistoriau will have to record, that in that fall 
could be traced no evidences of the failure of self-frovernment, and the 
constitutional uuarautees of civil and religious liberty. But, on the 
contrary, that in neglecting to secure these, we planted the seeds of 
death in our own Government. In the one instance we made a mockery 
and a by-word of our Republic by striking out of our sympathy and 
care, ia the face of solemn declarations sanctified by blood, four mil- 
lions of human beings as having no rights a republic could respect, in 
that sum total of all villauy, slavery; and the other in an attempt to 
build up an aristocracy of officers, in imitation of the British army, 
where promotion being excluded from the ranks, it is supposed that 
the rich and well-born only can lead and control armies. 

That the two aristocracies should sympathise and coalesce, is not to 
be wondered at. Our only wonder is that they should have been so 
tenderly cared for and so assidiously nurtured. For our Government 
has hung over these institutions with all the morbid affection of a 
parent for a deformed offspring. And it seems a divine retribution, 
that from such monstrous contradictions and shame come the troubles 
that for a time paralyze, if in the end they do not destroy, the pros- 
perity of a great people. 

Soon after his appointment, General Schenck was put in command 
of the First and Secoiid^Ohio Regiments of Infantry, to which subse- 
quently was added the Second New York State 3Iilitia, then encamped 
near Alexandria, in Virginia. 

VIENNA. 

On the 17th June, General Schenck was ordered by General Mc- 
Dowell to take possession of the Lou ion and Hampshire Railroad as 
far as Vienna. Under instructions from General Scott, this road had 
been reconnoitered the day before by General Tyler, who, with four 
hundred men upon cars, ran below Vienna some distance, and return- 
ing, reported no enemy. The General Commanding wishing to secure 
the road, ordered General Schenck to go upon the same cars used by 
General Tyler with a regiment of his brigade, and establish guards at 
certain points designated along the road as far as Vienna. 

These instructions were in writing. 

They were explicitly obeyed. 

When approaching Vienna with the remaining two companies, the 
train was fired upon by a battery — popularly known at the time as a 
masked battery. The fire disabled three cars nearer the town, killed 
ten men, and wounded two. As the train was being driven by the 



15 

Incouiotive in the rear, the euginesr, uncoupling the broken cars, was 
enabled to run away in tiie most cowardly manner, leaving General 
Schenck and the remainder of his little comtuand at the mercy of a 
vastly superior force, sustained by cavalry 'end artillery. General 
SclieTck with great coolness rallied his few men, and behaved with so 
much courage that the enemy was impressed with the belief that a 
large force must be in reserve, and so withdrew ; leaving the General 
to carry off his dead. 

We have dwelt at some length upon this insignificant affair on ac- 
count of the excitement created in the public mind at the moment. 
At this time, when the loss of ten thou-sand scarcely calls up a com- 
ment, the terrible outcry raised over thi death of ten men seems pass- 
ing strange. But our people were unused to war, and we opened it 
upon the fond anticipation that '^ no one was to be hurt." No blame 
could reasonably be attached to General Schenck. He obeyed orders. 
Nor, after the reconaoissance of General Tyler, could the General Com- 
manding be censured for giving such instructions. 

BULL RUN. 

General Schenck retained, of course, the confidence of his superior 
officers, and at Bull Run, 2ist July, 1861, justified their good opinion. 
He was stationed upon the Warrenton road, near the stone bridge. 
About foiir o'clock in the afternoon, being left in command by Gen- 
eral Tyler, he determined to clear the abattis from the bridge, and 
march 'over to where he was informed our forces were sorely pressed. 
For this purpose he ordered forward two twelve-pounders and one com- 
pany of pioneers. The guns replied gallantly to a battery opened upon 
them,' and the obstructions were soon removed. At this moment the 
order to retreat came, and General Schenck forming his little brigade, 
had the honor of fetching off' the only force of that immense army that 
in its retrograde movement was not resolved into its original element 
of mob. 

By a careful study of facts since developed, it will be seen that 
General Scenck saved the entire army from destruction. 

Beauregard, in his report of the battle, gives as one of his reasons 
■why a pursuit was not made, that he was satisfied large reinforcements 
held the Warrenton road. He had no other evidence of this delusion 
than that given by General Schenck's gallant demonstration and 
orderly retreat. 

The clamor continuing against General Schenck, other officers reaped 
the reward and received the praise that properly belonged to him. 
After the battle of Bull Run, General Schenck was ordered to Western 



16 

Virginia. Under General Rosecrans he won for himself the character 
of an able and brave man in the several campaigns upon the Kanawha 
and New river, which terminated in the final expulsion of the rebel 
Floyd. 

COTTON HILL. 

Floyd followed General Rosecrans when he fell back from Sewell 
mountain to the Gauley, and crossing New river some thirty miles 
above Gauley bridge, marched through Fayetteville, and threw his en- 
tire force upon Cotton Hill, in the angle formed by New river and the 
Kanawha. 

The quick eye of the gallant Rosecrans caught at once the weakness 
of this position ; for Floyd had left unguarded the Loup creek road, 
that led directly to his rear. This once occupied, the rebels would be 
forced to surrender, or fight at such a disadvantage that defeat became 
a certainty. 

Unfortunately, General Rosecrans sent General Bcnham with his 
brigade to this road, with orders to feel his way back, and if, as it 
proved, he found the road clear, to march at once to the rear of the 
enemy, and cut off his supplies. General Schenck was directed to find, 
if possible, a cro.ssing of New river some fifteen miles above Gauley 
bridge, and throw over his brigade so as to co-operate with Benham, 
while General Rosecrans, with the main body of the ai'niy, should cross 
at Gauley bridge and attack the rebels in front. 

General Schenck found the crossing called for in an old diSused 
ferry, known as Miller's ferry, where a man, long since dead, and al- 
most foi'gotten, had taken foot-passengers over the wild river, where a 
pool was formed directly below a rapid. The preparation for this haz- 
ardous enterprise was entrusted to Mujor Crawford, since the distin- 
guished General of that name, and Captain Lonn Piatt. The proposed 
undertaking was not promising. A road had to be cut through the 
laurel and pine of an almost inaccessible precipice, for the march of the 
troops and conveyance and launching of boats. These boats had to be 
built upon the spot. And all to be done with the enemy upon the op- 
posite cliff of the river, within easy rifle range, and from whom the 
proposed passage had to be kept a profound secret. 

The apparently impracticable undertaking was made possible, and 
the brigade waited day after day for General IVnham to move. But 
that officer would not move ; nor could he be induced to leave his safe 
position, until Floyd, getting word by some means of General Rose- 
crans' intentions, suddenly fell back to Fayetteville; while in the mean- 
time a sudden rise in New river rendered General Schenck's proposed 
crossing impossible. 



17 

General Benham hurried to Cotton Hill. General Schenck's brigade 
was marched down New river, and crossed to Cotton Hill below and 
near Gauley bridge, when he assumed command of the two brigades — 
his own and General Benham's. There was jet time for Benham to 
get to Flojd's rear, as that infatuated rebel had halted near Fayetteville 
and thrown up entrenchments, leaving the Baleigh pike exposed. In- 
deed, Benham had thirteen hundred men at McCoy's mills, almost in 
sight of the turnpike, and in a few hours could have had his entire 
brigade at that point, commanding and cutting ofi" the enemy's retreat. 
In disobedience of orders, however, of Generals Bosecrans and Schenck, 
he withdrew from this admirable position, and massing his forces in front, 
gave Floyd thirty-six hours the start, and then made a furious and 
ridiculous pursuit. 

We have given in detail an account of this disgraceful affair — for 
General Benham, subsequently arrested on charges of disobedience of 
orders, drunkenness, cowardice, lying, and conduct unbecoming a gen- 
tleman and an officer, attempted to shield himself in sundry publica- 
tions, attacking Generals Schenck, Cox, and Bosecrans. 

CUMBERLAND. 

After the death of General Lander, General Schenck was ordered to 
Cumberland, Md. He found every thing in a distressing state of con- 
fusion The town was crowded with sick and wounded soldiers, while 
the forces left in the neighborhood were reduced to a disorganized rab- 
ble. The great administrative abilities of the General soon restored 
order; and his zeal, justice, and activity will be long remembered by 
both citizens and soldiers of that place. 

At this place General Schenck found General Thurston, U. S. A., 
and received much aid from the clear-headed soldier and patriot. It 
is much to be regretted that this very able gentleman has not been 
consulted more frequently by the Administration in its management of 
Maryland affairs. But it is a singular fact that strangers are brought 
in and given commands upon the spot, when he of all others is fitter to 
have control. 

It was at this city a circumstance occurred, so illustrative of General 
Schenck, that we cannot resist the temptation to relate it. 

Among other cases brought before him to investigate and adjudge 
was that of a poor contraband, imprisoned without any show of legal 
authority, in a loathsome cell. Calling up the constable who had 
seized upon this piece of animated property fleeing from a rebel master, 
in Virginia, with- the hope of realizing something out of the arrest, 

2 



18 

General Schenck demanded by what authority he committed this out- 
rage. 

" Why, General," responded the Dogberry, '• there's good law in 
Maryland agin niggers running at large." 

" I will give you," replied General Schenck, "an excellent oppor- 
tunity to extend your legal knowledge. Here, Captain, have that 
negro released and put this man in his place." 

This was the last attempt nuide in Cumberland to restore rebel pro- 
perty. 

General Schenck is as happy in his use of language on such occa- 
sions as he is quick in the application of justice. AVe i-emeniber a tall, 
slender, unhappy specimen of tobacco-chewing humanity on New River, 
who made a demand upon General Schenck for his escaped slave, sup- 
posed then to be in Camp Ewing. 

" Are you Union or secessionist ?" demanded the General. 

" Wall, Gineral, in this concarn I've been neutral. I wouldn't take 
sides with either party. I've been as nigh neutral as I could git." 

" You have, have you ? You've been neutral between these scoun- 
drels who are trying to break down the only republican Government 
in the world and bring shame and distress upon our people and the 
Government. You are neutral ! Well, I'm neutral too. Between 
you and your nigger I am decidedl}' neutral. Now clear out!" 

The butter-nut " cleared." 

Upon this vexed question of slaver}'- General Schenck has been re- 
markably consistent. While representing a constituency in the House 
of lleprcsentatives, at Washington, we have seen how carefnlly he has 
kept himself within the line of his constitutional duty. No sense of 
injustice, no natural abhorrence for the horrid traffic could draw him 
from his regard for the constitutional guarantees under which it lived, 
and now when these slave owners appear with arms in their hands, to 
murder unoffending citizens, their own brethren, whose only offence is 
that they seek to sustain a mild, free Government, we find him with 
the clear, calm mind of a practical statesman, turned soldier, controlling 
impulse, and consulting only what he is sworn to do. 

The following letter, written after he left Cumberland, by his Assist- 
ant Adjutant General, exhibits this characteristic very clearly: 

Headquarters Sciienck's Brigade, Mountain ) 
Department, Camp Lee, April 26, 1862. j 
Sir : I am instructed by General Schenck to re])ly to your letter of 
the 17th inst., in which you state that two boys, servants, (meaning 
blacks — slaves,) have been employed by officers of the 5th Kegimeut 



19 

V^irgiuia Volunteer Infantry, belongiag to this brigade, that the boys 
desire to return to you, and that you request the General to take meas- 
ures for having them restored or sent back. 

The (jreneral has sent for the boys, found them, examined and care- 
fully interrogiited them himself, and ascertains, from their account of 
themselves, that they left of their own accord, and prefer remaining 
where they are. He will not, therefore, interfere between you and 
them. 

By you own a'dmissiotf these boys are not claimed by you as pro- 
perty of your own, but are represented as belonging to your son James 
Armstrong, who, some time since, for reasons connected with his rela- 
tion to the present disturbed condition of our country, abandoned his 
farm or household, leaving his servants behind hiiu. If he had re- 
mained at home, as a true and loyal citizen, it is not probable that they 
would have followed his example, or sought place or employment else- 
where. But this fact does not materially aifect the question. The 
decision of the General would have been the same if the boys were 
claimed as your own slaves. • 

You are aware, it seems, of the existence of a law, recently passed 
by Congress, prohibiting the use of our soldiers in returning to their 
masters fugitives from service. This law you must expect him to obey 
under his sense of duty as an officer ; and he will obey it cheerfully 
because it commends itself to his judgment and conscience as a neces- 
sasy and wholesome enactment. It is neither reasonable to expect our 
armies, nor, in fact, possible for them to carry along on the march the 
proper civil agents and process to enforce the statutory provisions in 
relation to fugitives. Our military forces have all their time and at- 
tention more appropriately occupied in the suppression of a causeless 
and infiimous rebellion, instigated and sustained generally by the very 
men, who, while they thus interrupt the due enforcement and execution 
of the laws by the regularly constituted tribunals and ministers, are 
clamorous for lielp for the peculiar species of property which can have 
little possible protection outside of the Constitution and Union which 
they are treacherously seeking to overthrow. 

The General commanding this brigade will, therefore, as has been 
stated to you, not interfere with the military force at his command be- 
tween the claimant and the fugitive slave. He will neither allow the 
one class nor the other as loafers about his camps. But if either of 
them, coming voluntarily within his lines, can be profitably employed, 
within the scope of military restrictions and usage, as guides, servants, 
laborers, or in any other available capacity, he will not hesitate to so 
engage them or permit them to be engaged. He will punish any 
ofiicer or private soldier of his command who may be caught either en- 
ticing or foi'cing a slave to leave his loyal master, but he will not lend 
his soldiers to be established as guards to prevent the escape of fugi- 
tives from bondage seeking their liberty. 

In his camps, too, he is resolved there shall be no disturbance occa- 
sioned by this peculiar relation and the claims to which it gives rise. 
If the master and the runaway, in case the latter is found at any time 



20 

within our lines, can quietly agrre, to their mutual satisfaction, that 
the old relaiion between them i-hall be restored, the General will not 
permit interference to prevent such amicable adjustment of the ques- 
tion. But he will not allow _/o/re to be used, either by the master to 
reclaim his power, or by his officers or soldiers to resist the demand. 
Such conduct he would punish on either side, as he would any other 
scene of disorder subversive of military rule and good discipline. 

By order of Brig. Gen. Schenck. 

Very respectfully yours, DQN PIATT, A. A. G. 

Hon. William Armstrong, New Creek, Ya,. 

From Cumberland General Schecck was ordered to Moorfield, Va., 
and while there received the summons to aid Geneial Milroy at Mc- 
Dowell, which a correspondent of the New York Tribune very graph- 
ically describes : 

FROM THE MOUNTAIN DEPARTMENT. 

FOKAY BY STONEWALL .TAt'Ki^ON — fiArfl.ANT EXPLOIT OF MILKOY AND Sf'UEXCK. 
[Correspondence of The New York Tribune.] 

Frankllv, Va., May 12, 1862. 

When Stonewall Jackson was defeated by Shields at Winchester, 
he swore a mighty oath that in less than sixty days he would break up 
the Baltimore and Ohio llailroad if it cost the lives of 00,000 men, 
his own included. 

Since then Stonewall has met with many obstacles, and just now is 
being circumvented by Generals Schonck and Milroy. 

While McClellan was held by the army in Yorktown, nearly all the 
rebel forces in Virginia were concentrated there. When the evacua- 
tion became necessary, these armies were at liberty to select other lines 
of operation, and «)ackson was furnished with 14,000 of the ver}'^ best 
on hand, and told that he could execute his great oath above stated. 
The only obstacle in his way was Gen. Milroy, with about 4,000 men 
at McDowell. Gen. Banks warned Gen. Fremont of the proposed 
move some days in advance, but Fremont had only Gen. Schenck in 
command of a small brigade at Moorfield, engaged in making ferries 
and building bridges destroyed by bushwhackers to facilitate Jackson's 
design. Gen. Schenck was ordered to pusti on to the relief of Milroy 
as rapidly as possible. The prospect was not flatteiing. To cross the 
south branch of the Potomac at Petersburg looked as if it would take 
up all the time necessary to make the reserve available. Gen. Schenck 
is not the man to hesitate. He might lose a few lives and some 
wagons, but that was better than the loss of Milroy 's entire brigade. 
So be tumbled his command into the only ford that seemed available. 
The water was three feet deep, the current furious, and bottom covered 
with huge stones, over which the poor horses stumbled and wagons 
jolted. To miss the track either way was to get into deep water, and 
I saw three wagons fa^t at one time; the horses were struggling and 
kicking, while the drivers and guards were either clinging to the 



21 

wagons or doing their endeavor by a swim shoreward. The Bcene, 
which lasted through a day, was picturesque and excitiug. It resulted, 
however, in no great loss. 

Gen: Scheock pushed on, and when beyond Franklin, while about 
selecting a camping- ground, he received a dispatch from Gen. Milroy, 
informing us that the enemy, some 14,000 strong, had made their ap- 
pearance in his immediate neighborhood, and would undoubtedly 
attack at daylight next morning. This was received at 3 o'clock, and 
at a place some 22 miles from McDowell. Gen. Schenck ordered on 
some 1,500 men, with the cavalry and DeBeck's artillery, determined 
to reach McDowell, to take part in the fight, if he could not lelieve 
Milroy. 

There is something very impressive in a night's march. The solemn 
tramp of the silent men, made musical by the regular click of the can- 
teen, as it strikes against the bayonet; tbe ugly, obstinate rattling of 
the artillery, as it jolts along, as if conscious of.its power, and scorning 
to be quiet; the dim outlines of hills on either side, between which 
the masses move on; all go to mate up a scene one does not readily 
forget. Hour after hour wore on, without interruption, other than 
short rests on the roadside, or the dashing by of staif-officers carrying 
commands or encouraging the men. These last were in light marching 
order. The heavy knapsacks had been laid aside, and the good fellows 
stepped regularly along as if fatigue weie impossible. At daylight 
they were within ten miles of McDowell, and by 10 a m, entered the 
town. As our troops emerged from the gorge upon the plain of the 
town the long lines of the rebels were seen filing down the road of the 
mountain opposite. The scene was exhilarating. The little army, 
expecting to be overwhelmed by superior numbers, had watched out 
the long hours in weary anxiety, and now when the dear old flng ap- 
peared, cheer after cheer went up the mountain sides, t > which our. 
men responded heartily while falling to the right and left, the artillery 
rattled in on the double quick to the strains of the Star-Spangled Ban- 
ner from the band. This was not without effect. The rebel army 
checked its march, taking possession of the mountain brow, where it 
looked impudently down upon its proposed victims. 

Generals Schenck and Milroy agreed that with their small army and 
entire lack of forage McDowell was not tenable. How to get out in 
the face of a superior force was the question to solve. They deter- 
mined upon a bold move, and that was, instead of waiting to be at- 
tacked, to march out and assail the enemy. After fighting long and 
hard as they could, they determined to withdraw at dark. The pros- 
pect was not promising. To fall back before the enemy with a volun- 
teer force is difficult; but to retreat after a defeat looked impossible. 
But the enemy had to be checked, and a bold attack was, in the esti- 
mation of these two fighting characters, Bob Schenck and Bob Mih'oy, 
the only means. 

To this end the tents already struck were packed in wagons, the 
trains sent off", and at 2 o'clock four regiments, consisting of the 75th 
82d, 32d, 25th Ohio Regt's, and iJd Virginia, entered the pass up which 



22 

the road winds, and soon reappeared, marcbingupthft bare slope, upon the 
crest of which the enemy bad formed in line of battle, in anticipation of 
the threatened attack. So soon as our friends emerged from the laurel 
and pine that covered two-thirds of the mountain, the rebels opened 
upon them. From the length of the enen)y's line, I gathered that 
there were about 0,000 in position, and their lire was rapid, heavy, atid 
continuous. To use a common phrase, the fire was murdernus. At 
every volley men fell, killed and wounded. I had seen volunteers 
under fire, and know how difficult it was to keep them to their woik, 
and expected every moment to sec these break and run. But they did 
not. For two long hours they stood out boldly, and returned a fire 
when nothing could be seen but at intervals the head and shoulders of 
some rebel loading and firing at will. 

For two hours these brave fellows worked their way manfully up the 
mountain side, without once flinching. They were much relieved 
during the last hour by a piece of artillery which Capt. Hymen had in 
position upon an eminence that gave him command of the right wing 
of the rebel forces. 

No battle was ever fought with such surroundings. This long range 
of lofty mountains overlook the plain upon which stands the town of 
McDowell, at the foot of the one known as Bull Pasture Mountain, and 
as the high hills and mountains rise on the three other sides, the whole 
make up an ampitheatre, on the eastern slope of which this deadly 
drama was being enacted, as if for the entertainment of the thousands 
above and below, who cheered as either side seemed to gain the advan- 
tage. 1 saw the dear old flag slowly winning its way up the slope. I 
saw my old friend Col. Nat. McLean, son of the late John McLean, 
urging on and cheering up his men. I recognised the Lieut. Colonel, 
Riley, at one time actually on a stump addressing the men, while his 
audience was being thinned out by bullets, and all the while Hymen's 
gun kept the echoes flying from summit to summit, as if a thunder- 
storm were taking part in the performance. As night fell upon the 
scene the summit was gained, the firing ceased, and our troops were 
called ofi" in good order. In one sense ot the word it was a victory. 
We had gained our object. The rebels did not dare follow our retiring 
troops, and instead of annojiug our rear they were busy all night pre- 
paring for the fight they were satisfied we would renew in the morning. 
That night we gathered up our wounded and fell back slowly, without 
annoyance, until we reached this point. 

So much for the history of what energy and pluck can accomplish. 
JMilroy, with his little brigade, seemed at one time fated to annihila- 
tion ; but the courage and enterprise of Gen. Schenck brought him 
ofif in triumph. There is one little fact I must not forget to men- 
tion. Numerous contrabands followed our army up the mountain, and 
were not only useful in carrying off' the dead and dying, but in several 
instances seized the useless musket and fought bravely by our side. 
But I must close. 

Generals Schenck and Milroy fell back to Franklin, Va., where they 
held their position against a greatly superior force until Major General 



28 

Fremont, in command of what was known as Blenker's Divisicn, canre 
to their relief. Greneral Fremont publicly pronounced the march to thy 
relief of Milroy the Battle on Bull Mountain, and the subsequent 
retreat to Franklin, one of the most brilliant achievenicuts of the war^ 

Jackson fell back from before Franklin to McDowell, for the purpo.-e 
of making his celebrared raid down the Shenandoah Val'ey. He had 
learned, by some means, the fact that General Banks had been weak- 
ened by the withdrawal of troops to aid of General SIcCIellan, and 
determined to take advantage of the opening. Wo now lau"h at the 
alarm so widely spread at the time. But the fnct is, tlie road to Mary- 
laud and Pennsylvania was open to him, and nnthing bur his stupidi'y 
and slowness saved us an almost irretrievable loss. Had he declined 
fillowing Generals Schenck and Milroy, but have marched to the 
Shenandoah at once, he could have cut oif Banks at Mount Jackvon, 
and, throwing his forces between Fremont and the Btlrimore and Ohio 
Railroad, cut off our supplies; while the free Stalts and the rich fields 
of Maryland would have been open to his hungry forces Of all the 
imbeciles which this unhappy war has thrown to the surface, Stonewall 
Jackson is the most overrated. He was hhamefully defeated by our 
army under Shields at Winchester ; and by forced marches in unfruit- 
ful expeditions, has destroyed more rebel armies than tiie Government 
of the United States. 

General Fremont was ordered earnestly by the Gov..rumeat, while 
yet at Franklin, to intercept and attack Jackson. The more direct 
route, known as the grade road, from Franklin to the Shenandoah 
Valley had been rendered impassable by the heavy rains and obstruc- 
tions placed upon it by the rebels; and General Fremont was forced 
to march by Moorfield and Branch Mountains to Strasburg. With in- 
adeqaate transportation, wretchedly supplied with commissary stores, 
the gallant Pathfinder bravely set out upon his march. No expedition 
was ever undertaken under such discouraging circuaastances. Without 
tents, without extra baggage of any sort, the army, iuL^pired by the 
heroism of their leader, pushed on over roads almost impassable and 
through an inclement season of almost incessant cold rains. 

Notwithstanding forced marches, prosecuted late and early, Fremont's 
army arrived at Strasburg a day too late. The rear guard of Jackson's 
marauders was passing from Middletown through Strasburg. General 
Fremont attacked it immediately ; and from this, on through Harrison- 
burg to Port Republic, occurred one of the most exciting pursuits on 
record. Beyond Harrisonburg, in the direct road to Staunton, Fremont 
had succeeded in getting the bridge over the Shenandoah burned, sq 



24 

that Jackson was forced, after passing Harrisonburtr, to turn in the 
direction of Port Republic to find a crossing. This placed him between 
General Fremont's forces and General Shields' Division, that was sup- 
posed to be marching up through Luraj to Port Republic. Why Gen. 
Shields, with his entire army, instead of a light brigade under Colonel 
Carroll, was not at Port Republic, ban never been satisfactorily ex- 
plained. 

CROSS-KEYS. 

On the 8th of June, 1862, Jackson, selecting a strong position at a 
place known by the name of Cross-Keys, gave battle, intending to re- 
pulse General Fremont, and then turn upon General Shields, and in 
this manner defeat our army in detail. Had Shields been in force 
at Port Republic, Stonewall Jackson would have found himself between 
two armies, and nothing could have saved his worn out forces from 
annihilation. Shields was not at Port Republic; and General Fre- 
mont, single-handed, undertook the defeat of the rebel leader. In 
weight of artillery. General Ferment had the advantage; but this was 
more than balanced by the number of men under Jackson, General 
Fremont's morning reports returned only some ten thousand men, while 
Jackson had at least eighteen thousand. 

The action commenced about ten o'clock a. m., by the advance under 
Colonel Cluseret. It would have been better had General Fremont 
delayed the battle until the nest day, as his troops required rest and 
he some knowledge of the ground over which the deadly contest was 
to be fought. Rut the gallant Colonel Cluseret in command of the 
brigade that made our advance from the time our forces came up with 
the enemy, always eager for the fray, opened upon the rebels, and was 
soon seriously engaged. He could not be withdrawn in safety, and so 
it became necessary to support him ; and as rapidly as the brigades 
wpre marched upon the ground, they were thrown into line of battle, 
and their positions assigned them. The 8kirmi^h opened by Colonel 
Cluseret, with his gallant little brigade, immediately widened into the 
deep roar of battle. 

The brigades under Stahel, Stinewehr, and Bohlen had our left. 
General iNIilroy and Cluseret were given the centre; while General 
Schcnck was assigned the right. General Schenck had scarcely taken 
his place, when an attempt was made by the rebels, in heavy force, to 
flank our right. This General Schenck at once met and repulsed, the 
enemy falling back in confusion before the continuous and well directed 
fire of DeReck's l&t Ohio battery. From this, until about three o'clock 



25 

in the afternoon, our right continued pressing upon the enemy, in no 
one instance giving back or losiog any part of the battle field assigned 
to us. 

About three o'clock, however, our left gave way ; and O-eneral Fre- 
mont anticipating, from the excess of numbers on the part of the rebels, 
and the nature of the ground, that the centre and right would be en- 
dangered, ordered Generals Schenck, Milroy, and Cluseret to fall back 
to the strong position first occupied in the morning. This was done 
reluctantly, slowly, and in good order. 

Had General Shields been in force at Port Republic, we would not 
now be troubled with Stonewall Jackson. We know this, and had we 
any doubt, tliat doubt would be set at rest by the following circum- 
stance. 

This might have been considered a repulse; but the rebels did not 
so regard it. They were in no condition to follow up the supposed 
advantage the retreat of the left and the falling back of the centre and 
right wing seemed to oflfer. We were left in quiet possession of the 
batie field ; and as night came on before we were ready to resume the 
ofi"ensive. General Fremont determined to open again in the morning. 
At daylight our forces were again in motion; but, taking advantage 
of the night, the rebels had hastily retreated in the direction of Port 
Republic; and as our forces hurried on in pursuit, they marched to 
the sound of cannon, and arrived only in time to see the last fragment 
of the burning bridge fall in the river, and rebels disappear in the 
distance. Jackson's army had cut to pieces Colonel Carroll's light 
brigade, after one of the most desperate and fearless defences of the 
war. 

As the battle was to be renewed in the morning. General Schenck 
being assigned the centre, directed Captain Don Piatt to find Colonel 
Cluseret's position, then supposed to be on the battle-field, and report. 
Captain Piatt having been disabled at the close of the fight by the 
horse of an officer treading on his foot, sent Sergeant Broadhead, a 
very capable and brave man, with five privates, to where he supposed 
Colonel Cluseret was. Colunel Cluseret's brigade had been called 
back, however, and the sergeant and his escort fell into the hands of 
the enemy. The sergeant was taken to the General commanding, who 
questijDned him as to the force under General Fremont. He responded 
with a plausible story of heavy reinforcements, and was dismissed. 
.Before he left, however, an ofilcer coming up, he heard the General 
say: 

" This is a d d bad business. Fremont is reinforced, Shields is 



26 

hi possession of tlie bridge at. J'ort llepiiblic, and I cannot see that 
anything is left us but to burreuder." 

That nighr, (he sergeant t-:i}S, a tlespatch came from General Jackson 
informing them that Shields was not in force at Port Republic, and 
onlering the army to fali batik immediately, which was done about 11 
o'clock that night. 

For \n< gallant and efficient service > in this pursuit atd battle, Miijor 
General Fremont placed General Schcnck in command of a division 
composed exclusively of Obio regiments. 

The army, under orders from Washington, fell back to Middletowu ; 
whLii General Fremont was relieved, and General Pope placed in com- 
mand. Fur some time, during the necessary absence of General Sigel, 
General Schenck had command of the 1st Corps .of the groat Army of 
Virginia. 

From Middletown toe Corps, under command of Crcueral Schenck, 
proceeded to Sperry ville, via Luray. Our advance then met the enemy, 
but dispersed them after a brisk skirmish. We remained at Sperry- 
ville abuut a month, perfecting ourselves in drill, and completing our 
preparations for the expected campaign; and on the 8ih day of Au- 
gust took up our line of march fjr Culpepper. We received orders to 
move at 7 o'clock p. m., and marched all night and the next morning, 
arriving at Culpepper about noon, entering the town as General Banks' 
corps and a portion of McDowell's troops wci'e moving out. About 2 
o'clock p. m.. Banks became engaged with the enemy, and fought the 
bloody battle of Cedar Mountain. We remained under arms till night 
had compelled both combataijts to withdraw; and after listening all 
the afternoon to the roar of the cannon, arrived only when all was 
ended. The fight was not renewed in the morning as expected, and 
the next day the enemy, under cover of an armistice for the purpose of 
burying their dead, retired from the field, leaving large numbers for us 
to inter. Some two days elapsed before we followed them. We then 
pushed vigorously on, taking position on Robertson's river, within five 
miles cf the llapidan, and remained there watching and skirmishing 
with the enemy three or four days. It was then ascertained that 
Jackson had been largely reinforced, and that Lee was expected to join 
him with the main army from Kichmond, left free to operate in any 
direction by the withdrawal of McClollan from the Peninsula. 

We have no wish to follow Sigel's corps through all the dreary and 
fatiguing marches along the Ilappahannock. The rebels felt their 
way- up that river, trying every ford, and at each ford almost, meeting 
the gallant German, to be beaten back by the troops under his com- 



27 

mand. General Pope made the Rappahannock his line of defence, 
until McClellan's ti'oops should join his Army of Virt;inia ; and ibr- 
tunately for us, the heavy rains that fell on the 19th and 20th rendered 
the fords impassable. Sigel's corps was thrown out to the extreme 
right; and upon tliis force, of which General Schenck's two brigades 
made the first division, fell the labor of watching, marching, and 
fighting, upon the most exposed flaiik of the position. How the corps 
marched from point to point, sometimes by night, w'ithout shelter other 
than their blankets, and frequently without food, we have not the space 
to relate. 

We had a foe to contend with, however, more active, wily, and per- 
severing than our own troops; and while General Pope was resting in 
apparent security, Lee threw some thirty thousand across the river, 
and appeared at Manassas Junction in our rear. The rebel leader 
found there sufficient commissary stores to relieve his famished troops. 
To accomplish this manoeuvre these troops must have undergone forced 
marches that, for fatigue and exposure, scarcely have their parallel. 

We are fond of depicting these ragged, vermin covered rebels, iu 
their distressed condition, as something we may congratulate ourselves 
upon and be happy over. To our shame be it spoken, these men, who 
march without pay, and fight without food, have driven us at every 
point, and laugh to scorn our superior numbers, weight of wealth, and 
unbounded credit. In the valley of the Shenandoah, a pious fellow 
from West Point marches these men at the rate of thirty miles a day, 
half starved and all unsheltered, through an inclement season, and 
driving our well clad troops, threatens the free States; and when forced 
to fall back, they show their teeth every few miles, fight at every turn, 
and after incredible hardships, reach Kichuioud in time to assist in 
forcing our grand army to change its base of operations, Avhich devel- 
oped seven days' bloody fighting over thirty-eight miles of retreat, and 
a fearful loss of stores. At Malvern Hill a drunken fellow from West 
Point led his troops to the mouths of our cannon, and left ten thousand 
dead and dying upon the field. We could multiply these unhappy, 
and to us disgraceful, instances, were it necessary. It is necessary that 
we should know the fact. We can con-eet an error only after looking 
the error in the face. 

The necessities of their situation have driven rebel officers into dis- 
ciplining and drilling their troops until they are troops worthy the 
name. They can be moved under fire, and retreat without disorder. 
We, on the other hand, trusting to immense levies, content ourselves 
with massing troops in regiments, brigades, and divisions, and seldom 



go beyond the drill necessary to get up a grand review. The knowl- 
edge of his business, and consequent confidence in his arm, the faith 
in each other and regard and obedience to his superiors, which come 
of constant training and earnest watchfulness on the part of officers, 
and make the soldier, we have nothing. It is claimed that our gen- 
erals are successful as organizers of armies. It is an atrocious imposi- 
tion. After eighteen months of war, we have not an arm}^ of twenty 
thousand men which we can place in the field and not be embarrassed 
by a victory. Success is almost as disastrous as defeat. 

Much of this evil originates in our system of volunteering, which 
leaves to State officials the organization of regiments made up of sick 
men, either too old or too young ; where officers are elected, not because 
they arc capable, but from their popularit}-. As the men are thus left 
constituents, and not soldiers, their servants or representatives, the so- 
called officers, dare not enforce the necessary discipline, as thereby 
they may endanger their positions. 

It is a singular fact, that while the South, in a state of revolt on a 
pretence of State rights, disregards these rights in organizing their 
army, we at the North paralyze our efforts by a stupid submission to 
local authorities that have not even the dignity of such a claim. 

We have at this moment a pay roll of eight hundred thousand men. 
Of these five hundred thousand are waiting and willing to be led to 
the field by a capable General. Three hundred thousand are in hos- 
pitals, on furlough, or straggling under various pretences. The five 
hundred thousand ready for service have not the efficiency of one fifth 
ibe number, well drilled and disciplined, under able officers. 

This, however, is not the proper place for such reflections, and we 
desist. 

General Pope, finding the Rappahannock no longer a line of de- 
fence, and the enemy in his rear, swung his army round so as to open 
communioation with Washington, and secure the co-operation of Gen- 
eral McClellan's veterans lately arrived from the Peninsula. On the 
28th General Sehenck's division arrived at Gainsville, where Sigel's 
corps captured some two hundred prisoners, and were immediately 
ordered on towards Manassas Junction. When within four miles of 
that place, the corps suddenly turning southwardly marched towards 
Bull Run. 

It was General Sehenck's suggestion, made to General Sigel, that 
turned the army from towards Manassas Junction in the direction of 
Bull Run, and of consequence brought on the second battle upon 
nearly the same place where occurred, more than a year before, the 



29 

first great disaster. He represented that on Bull Run we should find 
good water for the nearly famished troops, and be in a better position 
to meet the enemy than at Manassas. These suggestions conveyed to 
General Pope struck the Commander favorably, and our forces were 
turned towards Bull Run. 

Upon Thursday we were made aware of the presence of the enemy, 
and on Friday early we were engaged. We do not propose entering 
in detail upon that affairj in which Sigel's corps and Schenck's division 
took so prominent a part. It resulted in a positive success on our 
part. 

Friday night found us in possession of the strong positions held by 
the rebels during the day, and we are now satisfied that had the en- 
gagement been renewed early on Saturday morning, with the aid of 
McClellan's veterans under Sumner, Franklin, and Fitz John Porter, 
we would not now have to record a shameful defeat. But our forces, 
worn down by long marches and continual fighting, half fed and greatly 
disheartened, were left to cope with an army lai-gely our superiors in 
numbers, and continually reinforced by fresh legions that came with- 
out jealousy, and fought with a bravery worthy of a better cause. 

Where the fault lies for this national disgrace added to our roll of 
shame, is not for us to say. 

We add the report of Saturday's battle, made at the instance of 
General Schenck, by his gallant aide, Lieutenant Chesebrough, as giving 
a true and graphic account of the part taken by Schenck's division : 

BULL RUN AGAIN. 

Washington, D. C, Septeynhe.r 27, 1862. 

General : I have the honor to submit a continuation of the report 
of the active participation of the 1st division in the battles of the 20th 
and 30th ult. 

I have already stated the position taken by the division after the 
battle of Friday, the 29th. We remained in this position until about 
1 o'clock p. m. of Saturday, the oOth ult , when we were ordered to 
form column by division by battalion. This was accomplished after 
some difficulty, occasioned by large bodies of troops pouring in from 
our rear, getting in between the brigades, and causing great confusion 
and countermarching. After the movement was completed we stood as 
follows : To the right of the pike, and to the rear of Dcgan's farm, 2d 
brigade in front of the 1st brigade. We remained thus for some time, 
when you ordered us to detail one regiment to march to a point on the 
lefr, of the road, for the purpose of making a connection with General 
Reynolds on our left. The 55th regiment Ohio volunteers was selected 
by Col. McLean, commanding 2d brigade, and proceedee under the 
direction of one of your aides to the designated place. Soon after, you 



30 

orJered ils to send a battery, with a brigade to support it, across and 
to the lefr. of the road, to occupy a bald hill. This order was executed 
by sending the 2d brigade, Col. iMcLean, who pliced his three remain- 
ing regiments on the slope of the hill, under cover, and within easy 
supporiiog distance of the battery, which was placed on the crest. 

General Stahcl, commanding the 1st brigade, af, the same time 
marched Ibrward and t^-ok position in advance of that but rccenfly 
occupied by the 2d, on eitlier side of Dogan's house, in the following 
order: Schirner's battery on the crest of tlie hill, joining two other 
batteries that were already there, with the 45th, 27th, and 8th behind 
ir, to the right of the house, and the 41st regiment to the left of the 
house, and on tho other side "f tlie road. The 2d brigade had hardly 
taken their ]5osition on the bald hill when General lleyno'ds puf his 
troops in motion, marching past their entire front to some point on the 
right or rear, thus leaving Co'. iMcLean on the extreme left without 
other supp irr. This movement on the part of Reynolds necessiated a 
change in the position of the troops, which was done by placing the 
battery in the centre, and two regiments on either side, (the 55th regi- 
ment having rejoined the brigade,) and dep'oying tlieni in line of bat- 
tle fronting west. It was at this time, while all attention was directed 
to the front, where Porter was hotly engaged, that a heavy column of 
the enemy were seen advancing on McLean's front, driving before them 
a regiment of Zouaves, and also repulsing some other troops who ad- 
vanced to meet them from his riglit. Col. McLean now opened on 
them with his four pieces of artillery, thx-owing shell, and, as they 
approached nearer, canister. The infantry also commenced a heavy 
fire, and in a sliort time they were compelled to retreat, wdiich they 
did in great confusion. At this time a large force was seen advancing 
from a piece of woods to the left and rear, but they were supposed to 
be friends, from the fact of their clothes being dark. Soon after this 
another body of the enemy marched out of the woods across the posi- 
tion lately occupied by General Reynolds, and commenced a heavy 
fire on the left flank, which was replied to with interest, and the contest 
became very severe Almost at the same time those we had taken for 
our own men opened a heavy fire on our rear. General Schenck then 
gave the order to change front, so as to repel this attack. This ma- 
noeuvre was well executed, the regiments wheeling by battalion, and 
coming up into line fronting the enemy in fine order. It was about 
this time that you ordered General Milroy up to the assistance of Col. 
McLean, but owing to some contradictory orders, only ooe regiment, 
the 5th Virginia-, Col. Zeigler, went up the hill, the others going in a 
different direction. The fight now raged fiercely, but so heav}' and 
continuous a fire was delivered by the 2d brigade that the enemy were 
again compelled to retire. Our men followed them closely, and would, 
undoubtedly, have driven them from the field had it not been for 
another force of the eneni}' which was seen advancing on (be right 
flank, from the point where they had first been driven back, the late 
front. It was about this time that General Schenck was wounded, 
and was carried off the field. lie had been in the thickest of the fight, 
cheering and rallying the men, and at the moment he received the 



31 

■wound, he was gallantly leading on a regiment of Pennsylvania troops 
to the support of McLean. The tide of battle now turned. After 
fighting most successfully against superior and steadily increasing num- 
bers, without any support, and their right flank threatened, they were 
compelled to retire. The order was given, and they fell back across 
the bald hill, and following the road towards Centreville halted at a 
white house on the left of the road, a half mile from the stone house, 
where they commenced to reorganize 

It was about the time that the 2d brigade was retiring; from the bald 
hill that General Stahel was ordered to send a regiment to its support. 
The 41st New York, and, about the same time, Col. Kelt's brigade of 
General Schurz's division, /ollowed a short time afcer by Col. Kizna- 
nowski's brigade, marched up the hill, but they arrived too late to 
render any assistance to McLean, and after fighting most, gallantly 
against heavy odds, were compelled to yield. The enemy followed up 
their advantage vigorously, took possession of the hill, and pressed 
8'^eadily on to the road. General Stahel now moved the 8th New York 
and the 27th Pennsylvania across the heights to the right and rear of 
Dogan's farm, leaving the 45th New York to protect Schirner's bat- 
tery, which he placed on the hill to the rear of Dogan's house, and 
directed its fire on the advancing enemy. The enemy still continued 
to approach The 45th now changed their position to between the 
pike and Dogan's house, and succeeded in checking their advance and 
dravfing them back across the road. General Stahel then fell back, 
taking the road across the heights behind the stone house, to a posi- 
tion on the left of the road, and here assembled his brigade. Colonel 
McLean soon after reported, and then General Stahel assumed com- 
mand on hearing that General Schcuck had been wounded. 

I am, very respectfully, your most ob't servant, 

W. H, CHESEBROUGII, 

ll//i Reijt U. S. A., and Aide. 

COXCLUSION. 

We have thus traced briefly, yet clearly as our limits would allow, 
the civil and military career of a man who has proved himself eloquent 
and able as a legislator, capable as a diplomate, pi'ofound as a lawyer, 
and with few to equal and none to surpass him in the field. 

For active, long-continued, and arduous service, no officer of the 
Republic can show a more striking record LTnder cold neglect and 
burning abuse he has turned neither to the right or left in the pursuit 
of duty. While his indomitable will and high courage have made 
him the idol of his soldiers, his eminent abilities and singleness of 
l^urpose have at least forced a recognition of his claims from the people. 

We have not dwelt upon General Schenck's political career, as his 
present condition prevents any approach for information upon these 
topics, or indeed upon any other; but his conservative opinions and 



32 

statesmanlike views are well known to the people of Ohio. He was 
for years a conservative AVhig, opposing, North and South, the agita- 
tion of the slavery question ; nor has he changed, in any respect, 
since cowardly traitors at the North and the armed rebels at the 
South have sought to break up our Union and destroy our Con- 
stitution. He yet fights the enemies of the Union, whether they 
come in the guise of Northern traitors proposing a division of our 
great Republic into four petty governuieuts, or Southern rebels, 
such as Jefi". Davis, who strive by shot and shell to shiver the very 
fabric upon which rested their peculiar institution. If slavery is doomed, 
let its doom rest upon the head of the slave driver, who loaded the 
cannon and lit the torch. Whatever may be our dispute as to the 
object originally of this war, the fact is patent to the smallest modicum 
of brain that it must end, as Legare, Aiken, Holt, and other eminent 
Southern statesmen foretold, in the destruction of what has so long been 
a stain upon our Republic and a shame to humanity. And whatever 
may have been General Schenck's past political association, he knows 
now no party, and looks only to the support of the Government which 
makes a party possible. 

Robert C. Schenck fell fighting where he had ever been found — at 
the head of his coluiffn, leading his men in the thickest of the fray. 
Borne to AVashington, the President and his Cabinet, distinguished 
statesmen, and war-worn- veterans gathered about his door to express 
their sympath}^ or utter his praise ; and we cannot better close this brief 
sketch than by the following letter, which accompanied his commission 
as Major-General : 

War Department, Washington City, 

September ISth, 1862. 
My Dear Sir : 

No ofiBcial act has been performed by me with more J)leasure than 
the just tribute to your ability and patriotism, by the enclosed app<^int- 
ment to the rank of Major General fur gallant and meritorious service 
to your country- I hope your health may soon permit you to accept 
a command befitting the rank. My regret for the painful suffering you 
now endure, from the wound received on the field of batile, is enhanced 
by the need the Government has at this moment for your service. 
With sincere regard, I am your friend, 

EDWIN M. STANTON. 
To Major Gen'l Robt. C. Schenck. 



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